III has earned a somewhat controversial, but mostly positive characterization. The people associated him with good deeds and called him a peacemaker. And why Alexander III was called a peacemaker, you can find out from this article.
Ascension to the throne
Due to the fact that Alexander was only the second child in the family, no one considered him as a contender for the throne. He was not prepared for rule, but only given a basic military education. The death of his brother Nikolai completely changed the course of history. After this event, Alexander had to devote a lot of time to his studies. He re-mastered almost all subjects, from the basics of economics and the Russian language to world history and foreign policy. After the assassination of his father, he became the full-fledged emperor of a great power. The reign of Alexander III lasted from 1881 to 1894. What kind of ruler he was, we will consider further.
Why Alexander III was called a peacemaker
To strengthen his position on the throne at the beginning of his reign, Alexander abandoned his father's idea of \u200b\u200bthe country's constitutionality. This is the answer to the question of why Alexander III was called a peacemaker. By choosing this strategy of government, he managed to end the riots. Largely due to the creation of a secret police. Under Alexander III, the power strengthened its borders quite strongly. A powerful army and its reserve reserves appeared in the country. Thanks to this, Western influence on the country has come to a minimum. This made it possible to exclude all sorts of bloodshed throughout the entire period of his reign. One of the main reasons why Alexander III was called a peacemaker is that he often participated in the elimination of military conflicts in his country and abroad.
Board results
As a result of the reign of Alexander III, he was awarded the honorary title of peacemaker. Also historians call him the most Russian tsar. He threw all his strength into the defense of the Russian people. It was through his efforts that the country's prestige on the world stage was restored and the authority of the Russian Orthodox Church was elevated. Alexander III devoted a lot of time and money to the development of industries and agriculture in Russia. He improved the well-being of the people of his country. Thanks to his efforts and love for his country and people, Russia achieved the highest results for that period in economics and politics. In addition to the title of peacemaker, Alexander III is also awarded the title of reformer. According to many historians, it was he who laid the seeds of communism in the minds of the people.
Today, many idealize the relatively brief era of Alexander III, associating it with the power of the empire and the patriotic unity of the Orthodox people. Of course, there is more mythology here than historical truth.
Political decisions made during the reign of Alexander III are contradictory. The socio-economic course was strikingly different from ideological declarations.
Russia more and more closely interacted with the rebellious France and the country's welfare largely depended on French capital. But it was impossible to remain in isolation, and Germany's policy aroused reasonable fears of our emperor.
The adult life of the future emperor began with a tragedy. His older brother Nikolai, after his engagement to the Danish princess Dagmara, fell asleep after a bruise and soon died of tuberculous inflammation of the spinal cord. Nineteen-year-old Alexander, who sincerely mourned his beloved brother, unexpectedly became the heir to the throne and (after a while) Dagmara's fiancé ...
Such luminaries as the historian Soloviev and the chief prosecutor of the Victory-Bearers Synod began to prepare him for the reign. The first test of the state level was the famine of 1868 for him. The Tsarevich was the chairman of the Special Committee for the collection and distribution of benefits to the hungry.
In those days, the chairman of the Novgorod zemstvo council Nikolai Kachalov became the confidant of the future emperor. This experienced administrator was engaged in the purchase of bread, delivering it to the starving areas. He acted thoughtfully and efficiently. In personal communication, he will show himself as an honest, thinking person. He will become one of the favorite employees of Alexander Alexandrovich.
The peacemaker came to the throne on tragic days, after the death of his father - on March 2 (14), 1881. For the first time, the peasants were attracted to the oath to the emperor "on a par with all subjects." The war on terrorism has turned the empire into a turbulent sea. The new emperor did not indulge the enemies of the throne, but he also showed personal caution, avoiding the appearance in crowded places without protection. Alas, the times of Emperor Nicholas the First, when, as they said, the whole people were the king's bodyguard, have gone into the irrevocable past.
Soon after his accession to the throne, the emperor signed an "Order on measures to preserve state order and public peace and to place certain areas in a state of enhanced security." In fact, a state of emergency was established in ten central provinces of Russia. The political police began to root out terrorism and revolutionary movement... The struggle went on with varying success.
Pobedonostsev from the first days of his reign urged the new emperor not to embark on the liberal path, not to pay attention to “ public opinion". Alexander did not need such convictions, but Pobedonostsev's admonitions strengthened his spirit. He proclaims a course towards a plenipotentiary autocracy, which, however, could not be complete after the reforms of the 1860s.
Revolutionary teachings came to Russia from the West. Many conservatives believed: if you slam the doors to Europe, everything will calm down. The emperor supported an anti-Western ideological line. This was reflected in aesthetics as well. It was then that in architecture the neo-Russian style appeared to replace the Russian-Byzantine style. Russian motives also appeared in painting, literature, music. Beards and boyar costumes are back in fashion ...
The famous Parisian bridge is named after him - powerful, luxurious. The bridge resembles the Russian emperor not only in name. He was a straightforward person, as a rule, gave an assessment of everything without diplomatic hypocrisy. “In these eyes, deep and almost touching, a soul shone, frightened in its trust in people and helpless against lies, of which it was itself incapable,” AF Koni, not the most enthusiastic person, said about him.
When the Danish mother-in-law tried to teach him politics, he replied sharply, bluntly: “I, a natural Russian, find it extremely difficult to manage my people from Gatchina, which, as you know, is in Russia, and you, a foreigner, imagine that can be successfully managed from Copenhagen. " He did not look for ideals or teachers outside of Russia.
In the enlightened public of that time, he found many enemies.
His contemporaries for the most part considered him an ordinary politician, although they recognized the emperor's efficiency (he sometimes worked 20 hours a day). They did not compare with Peter the Great. They talked about the heroic, truly Russian appearance of the tsar. About his ambiguous conservatism. Cautious and consistent tactics.
IN last years the popularity of this emperor increased. With admiration they repeat the jokes of the emperor, which are not always historically accurate. Almost the golden age of the state is associated with him. The Tsar-peacemaker held Russia tightly in his hands - this image has been preserved in history for patriots Russian Empire.
There is a core of truth in this performance. But there is also a tendency to wishful thinking. And there is indeed a lot of attractiveness in the character of the mighty monarch!
“He was a deeply religious and religious man, he believed that He was God's anointed, that His destiny to reign was predetermined by God, and He accepted His God-ordained destiny submissively, completely submitting to all its hardships, and fulfilling everything with amazing, rare conscientiousness and honesty. Their duties are the king-autocrat. These duties required enormous, almost superhuman work, which did not correspond to either His ability, or His knowledge, or His health, but He worked tirelessly, until His death, worked in a way that rarely anyone else, "recalled Dr. Nikolai Velyaminov who knew the sovereign well.
The emperor's religiosity was not really a mask. As well as commitment to the spirit of the Fatherland - quite rare in the St. Petersburg aristocratic environment. He tried to reduce the amount of hypocrisy in politics. Inevitable, but from this no less shameful in the repentant thoughts of a Christian.
General (and in those years - a guards officer) Alexander Mosolov recalled:
“The king took his role as God's representative on earth with exceptional seriousness. This was especially noticeable when he considered petitions for clemency from those sentenced to death. The right to have mercy brought him closer to the Almighty.
As soon as the pardon was signed, the king demanded that it be sent immediately so that it did not come too late. I remember an incident when one day, during our train ride, the petition came late at night.
I ordered the servant to report me. The tsar was in his compartment and was very surprised to see me at such a late hour.
“I dared to disturb your Majesty,” I said, “since it is a matter of human life.
- You did the right thing. But how do we get Fredericks' signature? (By law, the tsar's reply telegram could only be sent if it bears the signature of the minister of the court, and the tsar knew that Fredericks had been asleep for a long time.)
- I will send a telegram with my signature, and the count will replace it with his tomorrow.
- Well. Don't waste your time.
The next morning the king returned to our conversation.
“Are you sure,” he asked, “that the telegram was sent immediately?
- Yes, immediately.
- Can you confirm that all my telegrams are out of order?
- Yes, all without exception.
The king was pleased. "
The emperor's Russophilia was expressed mainly in distrust of the Germans. He believed that the long-term support of Austria and Prussia, which contributed to the emergence of a united Germany on the political map of the world, was disadvantageous for Russia. And suddenly he staked on the French - Germany's rivals.
Mosolov stated: “He disgusted everything German. He tried to be Russian in the smallest details of his personal life, so his manners seemed less attractive than those of his brothers; he declared, without bothering himself with justification, that a truly Russian person should be somewhat rude, he did not need too graceful manners. Yielding to the requirements of palace etiquette, in a narrow circle of friends, he rejected any unnaturalness, considering the ceremonies necessary only for the German princes. "
A close alliance with Paris was not a perfect solution. But this was the decision of the emperor - a bold, independent one.
Alexander Nikolaevich interrupted a series of radical reforms, canceled the planned transition to a constitutional monarchy and advocated a gradual, evolutionary development of the state.
In this direction, Russia has achieved noticeable successes in its 13th birthday. The emperor managed to set up the government in a creative way. Although the policy of Witte, whom Alexander trusted, laid the foundations for future social explosions, aggravating Russia's dependence on foreign capital.
It is difficult for us to fully comprehend the tragedy of the first weeks of his reign. The year 1881 was a time of turmoil for Russia and a severe depression for the ruling class. A terrorist conspiracy ended the life of the reigning emperor. In previous years, monarchs more than once died as a result of palace conspiracies, but this was not publicly announced. And then the murder was committed in front of the whole world. And everyone knew about the attempts that preceded the murder.
Terrorism subjugated public life, imposed a sense of fear, bloody confrontation between revolutionaries and guardians. Among the monarchists, the belief arose that the policy of liberal reforms had led to the disaster. This was the reason. But too tight "screwing the nuts" did not lead to prosperity.
What was the liberalism that the conservatives were fighting back then? It seems that this phenomenon is demonized (or, on the contrary, idealized), especially without thinking about its essence. First, it is a stake on public freedoms, including freedom of conscience. Individualism, which naturally contradicts conciliar values.
Separation of the school from the Church. In this direction, there was an orientation towards Western models: towards British parliamentarism, towards republican traditions from the dramatic history of France. Many of the liberals went too far in criticizing Russian mores, reaching the point of rejecting everything that was domestic. This is an emotionally explainable complex: an aggressive struggle with one's own roots. Such tendencies can be traced in every mature culture; this is one of the diseases of civilizational growth. The usual thing? Yes. But illness is a disease, people die from it.
Analyzing the policy of Russian conservatives, it is difficult to agree with the skeptical attitude towards mass education. A strange demagogy was used: the lack of education of the people was associated with Christian piety. Say, the gap between the "pure public" and "men" grew - and this painful condition was considered a kind of sacred canon. I think this is one of the objective reasons for the global defeat of the imperial foundations in 1917.
There was a lot of common sense in the policy of Alexander III. But it did not give the empire the necessary strength. Revolutionary tendencies grew in various circles - and it was not possible to develop an antidote. But we remember the emperor for his own and honest view of Russia. This king was not like any of their predecessors. He carried his cross without bending under the burden.
During the reign of Alexander III, no wars were waged in the Russian state. At the same time, Russia's influence in the world did not decrease, the economy developed, the borders expanded. Alexander III, nicknamed the Peacemaker, adhered to conservative nationalist views, ruled through counterreforms and carried out the slogan "Russia for the Russians" with all his might.
Accidental inheritance of crown and wife
The Russian throne fell to the lot of Alexander III by accident. Initially, his elder brother Nicholas was trained as emperors, who died suddenly after a severe bruise. Educators of Alexander, having learned that he would have to lead Russia, simply grabbed their heads. Alexander Romanov did not respect science since childhood, and the reason for everything was his unbeatable laziness. Grigory Gogel, one of the teachers of the future tsar, later said that he was quite assiduous, but he studied poorly, because he was lazy to think.
In the royal family, the boy did not stand out for his upbringing or education. He showed no talents in any areas. Therefore, after the death of his brother, the new heir to the crown had to study again, mastering additional sciences. The great Russian historian Sergei Soloviev taught him a full course on the history of the country, instilling in the future emperor a love for his native land. The famous jurist Konstantin Pobedonostsev taught Alexander III the basics of state law. By the way, he later became a loyal friend of the king and his closest adviser.
The marriage of the monarch to Maria Sophia Frederick Dagmara, who received the Orthodox name Maria Feodorovna, was also an accident. The blood princess, daughter of the Danish king Christian IX, was originally intended to be the wife of his deceased brother Nicholas. But when he first saw the girl, Alexander fell hopelessly in love. For the next 30 years, the union of the spouses was an example of a reverent and trusting relationship. In this marriage, six children were born. And the sharp and uncompromising autocrat remained an exemplary husband and father for his household all his life.
The peasant disposition of the new ruler and pearl barley in the coronation menu
Finally taking control the Russian state after several postponements of the coronation ceremony, Alexander III changed before our eyes. Now he sat for days at government papers, patiently sorting out what he had not even been interested in before. It was not easy for him, but everything was compensated by diligence and dedication.
The new tsar outlined the principles of his internal policy already during the coronation, which was noticeable from the menu of the festive dinner approved by him. Alexander's ascetic choice caught the eye of knowledgeable people. The list of dishes consisted of chowder, pearl barley soup, borscht, aspic from ruffs and ordinary peas. The menu was absolutely Russian, rather rude and deliberately common.
This kind of festive treat looked like a slap in the face of a Russian aristocrat and a foreign guest. But the newly made king wanted to spit on the ceremonial foundations. Alexander's favorite delicacy all his life remained "Guryev's" semolina porridge, which he preferred to exquisite European desserts.
The tsar was also uncomfortable in the pompous Winter Palace, as a person far from the usual secular pleasures of high society. He many times reduced the ministerial staff, reduced the number of servants and strictly controlled the expenditure of state money. In everyday life, he was simple, modest and unpretentious. Alexander's look inherited from his grandfather was heavy and impressive, so few dared to look him straight in the eye. At the same time, the emperor often felt timid, avoiding large masses, and was afraid to ride. In everyday life, he dressed in a simple Russian shirt with embroidery on the sleeves. And he tucked his pants into his boots in a soldier way. Even official receptions were sometimes carried out in shabby trousers and a jacket, and leaked clothes were handed over to his batman for mending.
What did the nationalist emperor manage
During the reign of Alexander III, the country did not participate in any serious military-political conflict, and revolutionary outbursts even after the assassination of the tsar's father reached a dead end. The emperor took care of ordinary people, gradually canceling the poll tax and fighting corruption. He made it clear to society that the government does not distinguish between rich and poor, and deprived the grand dukes of their usual privileges, reducing their payments from the state treasury. Even his relatives did not hide from justice for financial fraud.
Alexander III built the longest railway in the world - the Trans-Siberian Railway. An important point foreign policy course of his reign historians call the turn of Russia from an alliance with Germany to military cooperation with France. As a result, Russia gained the right to vote at the level of powerful European powers.
Alexander III really loved Russia and, wishing to protect his fatherland from a possible invasion, constantly strengthened his army and navy. Under Alexander III, the Russian fleet took the 3rd world position after England and France. And the total area of \u200b\u200bthe Russian Empire under Alexander III increased by 430 thousand km² as a result of the peaceful annexation of new lands.
Physical education and painting in the everyday life of Alexander III
Despite the simplicity and even frugality in everyday life, Alexander III spent on expensive art objects. The emperor was seriously interested in painting and even studied for some time under the St. Petersburg artist Tikhobrazov. In addition to patronizing the artists, he personally made sure that the works of Russian composers sounded on the stage of domestic theaters. Throughout his life, the tsar also helped the Russian ballet, which at that time deserved worldwide recognition.
Physical education took a special place in the life of Alexander III. Being by nature a very strong man, he did not hesitate to even chop wood as a charge. In the memoirs of his contemporaries, there are stories about how the tsar easily broke horseshoes, bent silver coins in his fist and lifted a horse on his shoulders. Once at dinner with the Austrian ambassador, in response to the latter's threat to form anti-Russian soldiers' corps, Alexander tied a fork on a knot. And he added that he would do the same with the Austrian corps.
The king's amazing physical strength once saved the life of his entire family. In the fall of 1888, the royal train crashed. Seven carriages were seriously damaged; among the servants were not only seriously wounded, but also dead. At the time of the accident, relatives of Alexander were in the dining car, the roof of which had collapsed. Alexander held her on his shoulders until help came. Not a single member of the royal family was hurt. True, this event is associated with the sharply shaken health of the autocrat, which led to a fatal illness.
Modern historians believe that. True or fiction - remains to be seen.
He was on the throne for thirteen and a half years and died 49 years old, earning the title of "Tsar-Peacemaker" during his lifetime, since during his reign not a drop of Russian blood was shed on the battlefields ...
Soon after his death, the historian V.O. Klyuchevsky wrote: "Science will give Emperor Alexander III a proper place not only in the history of Russia and all of Europe, but also in Russian historiography, will say that He won a victory in the area where it is most difficult to achieve victory, defeated the prejudice of peoples and thereby contributed to their rapprochement, conquered the public conscience in the name of peace and truth, increased the amount of goodness in the moral circulation of mankind, encouraged and raised Russian historical thought, Russian national consciousness, and did all this so quietly and silently that only now, when He is no longer there, Europe understood what He was for her. "
The venerable professor was mistaken in his predictions. For over a hundred years, the figure of the penultimate Russian Tsar has been the target of the most impartial assessments; his personality is the object of unbridled attacks and tendentious criticism.
The fake image of Alexander III is being recreated to this day. Why? The reason is simple: the Emperor did not admire the West, did not worship liberal-egalitarian ideas, believing that the literal imposition of foreign orders would not be a boon for Russia. Hence - irreconcilable hatred for this Tsar on the part of Western lovers of all stripes.
However, Alexander III was not a narrow-minded Western-hater, rejecting from the door everything that did not have a generic stigma: "made in Russia." For him, Russian was primary and especially significant not because it is the best in the world, but because it is dear, close, his own. During the reign of Emperor Alexander III, the words "Russia is for Russians" were first heard throughout the country. And although he was well aware of the problems and absurdities in Russian life, he did not doubt for a minute that they should be overcome only by relying on his own sense of understanding of duty and responsibility, not paying attention to what some "Princess Marya Aleksevna ".
For almost two hundred years, he was the first ruler who not only did not covet "the love of Europe", but was not even interested in what they say and write about him there. However, it was Alexander III who became the ruler under which Russia began to gain the moral authority of a great world power without a single weapon shot. The imposing bridge across the Seine in the very center of Paris, bearing the name of the Russian Tsar, has forever remained a vivid confirmation of this ...
Alexander Alexandrovich ascended the throne at the age of 36 on March 1, 1881. On that day, his father was mortally wounded by a terrorist's bomb, who soon died, and Alexander Alexandrovich became the "Autocrat of All Russia". He did not dream of a crown, but when death took away his father, he showed amazing composure and humility, accepting what was given only by the will of the Most High.
With great spiritual trepidation, with tears in his eyes, he read the will of his father, the words and instructions of the murdered man. "I am sure that my son, Emperor Alexander Alexandrovich, will understand the importance and difficulty of his high calling and will continue in all respects worthy of the nickname of an honest man ... May God help him to justify my hopes and complete what I failed to do to improve the prosperity of our dear Fatherland. I implore him not to get carried away with fashionable theories, to think about its constant development, based on love for God and on the law. He must not forget that the power of Russia is based on the unity of the State, and therefore everything that can lean to the shocks of all unity and to the separate development of various nationalities, for her it is pernicious and should not be tolerated.Thank him, for the last time, from the depths of his tenderly loving heart, for his friendship, for the diligence with which he performed his official duties and helped me in State Affairs. "
Tsar Alexander III inherited a heavy legacy. He understood perfectly well that improvements in various areas of life and public administration were necessary, they were long overdue, no one argued with this. He also knew that the "bold transformations" carried out by Alexander II in the 60s and 70s often gave rise to even more acute problems.
Since the end of the 70s, the social situation in the country has become so tense that some concluded that a collapse would soon come. Others tried to leave St. Petersburg, some to the estate, and some abroad.
The joylessness of the social situation was felt everywhere. Finances were upset economic development slowed down, stagnation was observed in agriculture. The zemstvos did a poor job of local improvement, all the time they asked for money from the treasury, and some zemstvo meetings turned into centers for public discussions of political issues that did not concern them in any way.
The universities were almost anarchy: anti-government publications were almost openly distributed, student gatherings were organized, where attacks on the government were heard. And most importantly: there were constant murders and attempts on the life of officials, and the authorities could not cope with the terror. The monarch himself became the object of these villainous intentions and fell at the hands of terrorists!
Alexander III had an extremely difficult time. There were plenty of advisers: every relative and dignitary dreamed that the tsar would "invite to talk." But the young Emperor knew that these recommendations were often too biased, too selfless to be trusted without looking back. The late father sometimes brought unprincipled people, devoid of will and strong monarchical convictions closer to him.
Business must be handled differently, of which he had no doubt. First of all, it is not necessary to draw up new laws, but to ensure that the existing ones are observed. This conviction matured in him in the spring days of 1881. Earlier, in January, speaking at a meeting with the main patron of the "constitutionalists", Grand Duke Konstantin Nikolayevich, the future Tsar definitely stated that "he sees no need to impose on Russia all the inconveniences of constitutionalism that hinder good legislation and governance." Such a statement was immediately interpreted by the liberal public as a manifestation of "reactionary beliefs."
Alexander III never sought popularity, did not curry favor with entrepreneurs and regulars of Petersburg salons, either before he became Tsar or after. A few years after accession to the throne, talking with those close to him, Alexander III said that he would consider "the constitution very peaceful for itself, but very dangerous for Russia." In fact, he repeated the thought expressed more than once by his father.
Long before his death, Alexander II realized that it was unacceptable to give wide public freedoms, to which some of his most Europeanized compatriots urged him. In the empire of the two-headed eagle, the historical conditions for the establishment of the social order that existed in England or France had not yet developed. More than once he spoke about this both in a narrow circle and outside the royal palaces. In September 1865, accepting in Ilyinskoye, near Moscow, the Zvenigorod district marshal of the nobility, P. D. Golokhvastov, Alexander II outlined his political credo:
"I give you my word that now, on this table, I am ready to sign whatever constitution you want, if I was convinced that it is useful for Russia. But I know that if I do it today, and tomorrow Russia will fall to pieces." ... And until his death, he did not betray his conviction, although then completely unsubstantiated statements circulated that allegedly Alexander II intended to introduce constitutional rule ...
Alexander III fully shared this conviction and was ready to change and improve a lot, without breaking or rejecting what seemed reliable and historically justified. The main political value of Russia was Autocracy - a sovereign rule, independent of the written norms and government agencies, limited only by the dependence of the king of the earth on the King of Heaven.
Talking at the end of March 1881 with the poet's daughter Anna Fedorovna Tyutcheva, the wife of the famous Slavophile I.S. Aksakov, who published the popular newspaper Rus in Moscow, the Tsar said: “I have read all the articles of your husband for recent times... Tell him I'm happy with them. In my grief, I was greatly relieved to hear my word of honor. He is an honest and truthful person, and most importantly, he is a real Russian, of which, unfortunately, there are few, and even these few have been eliminated recently, but this will not happen anymore. "
Soon the word of the new Monarch sounded to the whole world. On April 29, 1881, the Supreme Manifesto appeared, thundering like the thunder of an alarm bell.
"In the midst of Our great sorrow, the voice of God commands Us to become cheerfully in the work of government, in hope in Divine Providence, with faith in the power and truth of Autocratic power, which We are called to affirm and protect for the good of the people from any encroachments."
Further, the new Tsar called on all the faithful sons of the Fatherland to take courage and help "to eradicate the vile sedition that dishonor the Russian land, to the establishment of faith and morality, to the good upbringing of children, to the extermination of untruth and embezzlement, to the establishment of order and truth in the operation of institutions granted to Russia by her benefactor. , beloved Parent. "
The manifesto was unexpected for many. It became clear that the days of liberal smiles were over. The fall of the political projectors - losers was only a matter of time.
Alexander III considered such an outcome logical. I wrote to my brother Sergei on June 11, 1881: “Appointing new people almost everywhere, we all began to work together and, thank God, with difficulty and little by little we go forward, and things are going much more successfully than with former ministerswho, by their behavior, made me dismiss them from their posts. They wanted to take me into their clutches and enslave me, but they did not succeed ... I cannot hide that even now we are still far from normal and there will be many more disappointments and anxieties, but you have to be ready for everything and go straight and boldly towards the goal, not deviating to the side, and most importantly - not to despair and hope in God! "
Although there were no persecutions, arrests, deportations of objectionable dignitaries (almost all of them were removed with honor, received appointments to the State Council), it seemed to some that at the top of power "an earthquake began." The bureaucratic ear has always subtly caught the impulses and moods in the higher corridors of power, which determined the behavior and diligence of officials.
As soon as Alexander III was on the Throne, it quickly became clear that jokes were bad with the new government, that the young Emperor is a tough man, even harsh, and his will must be obeyed unquestioningly. Immediately, everything started spinning, the discussions subsided, and the state machine suddenly began to work with renewed vigor, although in the last years of the reign of Alexander II, many thought that it had no strength anymore.
Alexander III did not create any emergency bodies (in general, during his reign, few new subdivisions appeared in the system of state administration), did not carry out any "special cleansing" of the bureaucratic apparatus, but the atmosphere in the country and in the corridors of power changed.
The salon talkers, who had only recently passionately defended freedom-loving principles, suddenly became almost numb and no longer dared to popularize Liberte, Egalite, Fraternite not only at open meetings, but even among their own people behind the tightly closed doors of the capital's drawing rooms. Gradually, the dignitaries who were reputed to be liberal were replaced by others who were ready to serve the Tsar and the Fatherland unquestioningly, without looking into European cribs and not afraid to be branded as "reactionaries."
Alexander III boldly and decisively began to fight the enemies of the state order. There have been arrests of direct perpetrators of regicide and some other persons who did not personally participate in the first March atrocity, but were preparing other terrorist acts. In total, about fifty people were arrested, and five regicides were hanged by court verdict.
The Emperor had no doubt that an irreconcilable struggle should be waged against the enemies of Russia. But not only by police methods, but also by mercy. It is necessary to distinguish where the true, irreconcilable opponents are, and where are the lost souls, who, through thoughtlessness, allowed themselves to be drawn into anti-government actions. The Emperor himself always followed the progress of the inquiry in political matters. In the end, all court decisions were left to his discretion, many asked for royal favor, and he should have known the details. Sometimes he decided not to bring the matter to court.
When a circle of revolutionaries was discovered in Kronstadt in 1884, the tsar, having learned from the testimony of the accused that the warrant officer of the naval crew, Grigory Skvortsov, was shedding tears, repented and gave frank testimony, ordered that the midshipman be released and not prosecuted.
Alexander III always had sympathy for those people who professed traditional values. Conformism, compromise, apostasy did not evoke anything in his soul, except disgust. His political principle was simple and in line with the Russian management tradition. Malfunctions in the state must be corrected, proposals must be heard, but for this it is absolutely not necessary to convene some kind of people's assembly.
It is necessary to invite specialists, experts on a particular issue, listen, discuss, weigh the pros and cons and make the right decision. Everything should be done according to the law, and if it turns out that the law is outdated, then it must be revised, relying on tradition and only after discussion in the Council of State. This became the rule of state life.
The tsar repeatedly told his entourage and ministers that "bureaucracy is a strength in the state if it is kept in strict discipline." Indeed, under Alexander III, the administrative apparatus of the empire worked in a tough regime: the decisions of the authorities were strictly carried out, and the tsar personally followed this. He could not stand indifference, neglect of official duties.
The emperor introduced an innovation unprecedented in Russia: he demanded that he be presented with a list of all unfulfilled orders and decisions, indicating the persons responsible for them. This news greatly increased the "labor enthusiasm" of the bureaucracy, and the red tape became much less.
He was especially intransigent towards those who used their official position for personal gain. To such, there was no condescension.
The reign of Alexander III was distinguished by a simply amazing phenomenon: bribery and corruption, which used to be a sad Russian reality, almost completely disappeared. Russian history of this period did not reveal a single high-profile case of this kind, and numerous professional "unmaskers of tsarism" did not find a single corruption fact, although they were persistently looking for them for many decades ...
During the reign of Alexander III in Russia, a strict administrative regulation of social life remained. Enemies of the state power were subjected to persecution, arrest, and deportation. Such facts existed both before and after Alexander III, however, to justify the immutable thesis about a certain "course of reaction", it is the period of his reign that is often characterized as a particularly dark and hopeless period of history. Nothing of the kind has actually been observed.
In total, 17 people were executed for political crimes (there was no death penalty for criminal acts in Russia) during the "period of reaction". All of them either participated in the regicide, or prepared for it, and none of them repented. In total, less than 4 thousand people were interrogated and detained for anti-state acts (for almost fourteen years). If we take into account that the population of Russia then exceeded 120 million people, then these data convincingly refute the stereotyped thesis about the "terror regime" that was allegedly established in Russia during the reign of Alexander III.
Forensic and prison "massacres" are only part of the "gloomy picture of Russian life" that is so often depicted. Its essential moment is the "oppression of the censorship," allegedly "strangling" any "freedom of thought."
In the 19th century, censorship existed in Russia, as in all other, even "most" democratic states. In the tsarist empire, she not only protected moral principles, religious traditions and beliefs, but also performed the function of protecting state interests.
Under Alexander III, as a result of an administrative ban or for other reasons, mainly of a financial nature, several dozen newspapers and magazines ceased to exist. However, this did not mean that the voice of the independent press had "died out" in the country. Many new editions appeared, but many old ones continued to be issued.
A number of liberal-oriented publications (the most famous are the newspaper "Russkie vedomosti" and the magazine "Vestnik Evropy"), although they did not allow direct attacks on the authorities and their representatives, did not get rid of the critical ("skeptical") tone and successfully survived the "era of repression" ...
In 1894, the year of the death of Alexander III, 804 periodicals in Russian and other languages \u200b\u200bwere published in Russia. Approximately 15% of them were state ("state"), and the rest belonged to various societies and individuals. There were socio-political, literary, theological, reference, satirical, scientific, educational, sports newspapers and magazines.
During the reign of Alexander III, the number of printing houses grew steadily; the range of published book products also increased annually. In 1894, the list of titles of published books reached almost 11,000 thousand (in 1890 - 8638). Many thousands of books were imported from abroad. During the entire period of his reign, less than 200 books were not allowed to circulate in Russia. (This number included, for example, the notorious "Capital" of Karl Marx.) The majority was prohibited not for political, but for spiritual and moral reasons: insulting the feelings of believers, promoting obscenity.
Alexander III died early, not yet an old man. His death was mourned by millions of Russian people, not out of duress, but at the call of their hearts who respected and loved this crowned sovereign - a big, strong, Christ-loving, so understandable, just, so "their own".
Alexander Bokhanov, Doctor of Historical Sciences
The name of Emperor Alexander III, one of the greatest statesmen of Russia, long years was put to shame and oblivion. And only in recent decades, when it became possible to speak openly and freely about the past, evaluate the present and think about the future, the public service of Emperor Alexander III arouses great interest of all who are interested in the history of their country.
Emperor Alexander III was not destined to reign by birth. As the second son of Alexander II, he became the heir to the Russian throne only after the untimely death of his elder brother, Tsarevich Nikolai Alexandrovich in 1865. At the same time, on April 12, 1865, the Imperial Manifesto announced to Russia the proclamation of Grand Duke Alexander Alexandrovich as the heir-Tsarevich, and a year later the Tsarevich was married to the Danish princess Dagmara, who was named Maria Feodorovna in marriage.
On the anniversary of his brother's death on April 12, 1866, he wrote in his diary: “I will never forget this day ... the first memorial service over the body of a dear friend ... I thought in those minutes that I would not survive my brother, that I would constantly cry at just one thought that I no longer have a brother and a friend. But God strengthened me and gave me strength to take on my new assignment. Maybe I often forgot my purpose in the eyes of others, but in my soul there was always this feeling that I should not live for myself, but for others; heavy and arduous duty. But: "Thy will be done, O God"... I repeat these words constantly, and they comfort me and support me always, because everything that happens to us is all the will of God, and therefore I am calm and trust in the Lord! " Awareness of the severity of obligations and responsibility for the future of the state, entrusted to him from above, did not leave the new emperor during his entire short life.
The educators of the Grand Duke Alexander Alexandrovich were Adjutant General, Count V.A. Perovsky, a man of strict moral rules, appointed by his grandfather Emperor Nicholas I. The education of the future emperor was headed by a well-known economist, professor of Moscow University A.I. Chivilev. Academician Ya.K. Grotto taught Alexander history, geography, Russian and german languages; a prominent military theorist M.I. Dragomirov - tactics and military history, S.M. Soloviev - Russian history. The future emperor studied political and legal sciences, as well as Russian legislation from K.P. Pobedonostsev, who had a particularly great influence on Alexander. After completing his studies, Grand Duke Alexander Alexandrovich traveled throughout Russia several times. It was these trips that laid in him not only love and the foundations of deep interest in the fate of the Motherland, but also formed an understanding of the problems facing Russia.
As the heir to the throne, the Tsarevich participated in the meetings of the State Council and the Committee of Ministers, was the chancellor of the Helsingfors University, the chieftain of the Cossack troops, the commander of the guards units in St. Petersburg. In 1868, when Russia suffered a severe famine, he became the head of a commission formed to provide assistance to the victims. During the Russian-Turkish War of 1877-1878. he commanded the Ruschuk detachment, which played an important and difficult role in a tactical respect: he held back the Turks from the east, facilitating the actions of the Russian army, which was besieging Plevna. Realizing the need to strengthen the Russian fleet, the Tsarevich addressed an ardent appeal to the people for donations to the Russian fleet. In a short time, the money was collected. The ships of the Volunteer Fleet were built on them. It was then that the heir to the throne became convinced that Russia had only two friends: its army and its navy.
He was interested in music, fine arts and history, was one of the initiators of the creation of the Russian Historical Society and its chairman, was engaged in the collection of collections of antiquities and the restoration of historical monuments.
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The government formed with the participation of the Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod K.P. Pobedonostseva, focused on strengthening the "traditionalist" principles in the politics, economy and culture of the Russian Empire. In the 80s - mid 90s. a series of legislative acts appeared that limited the nature and actions of those reforms of the 60-70s, which, according to the emperor, did not correspond to the historical purpose of Russia. Trying to prevent the destructive force of the opposition movement, the emperor introduced restrictions on the zemstvo and city government. The elective principle in the magistrates' court was reduced, in the counties the execution of judicial duties was transferred to the newly established zemstvo chiefs.
At the same time, steps were taken to develop the state's economy, strengthen finances and carry out military transformations, and resolve agrarian-peasant and national-religious issues. The young emperor also paid attention to the development of the material well-being of his subjects: he founded the Ministry of Agriculture to improve agriculture, established the noble and peasant land banks, with the assistance of which nobles and peasants could acquire land property, patronized the domestic industry (by raising customs duties on foreign goods ), and the construction of new canals and railways, including through Belarus, helped to revive the economy and trade.
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Public policy in Belarus was dictated, first of all, by the reluctance to "violently break the historically established order of life" of the local population, "forcible eradication of languages" and the desire to ensure that "foreigners become modern sons, and not remain the eternal adopters of the country." It was at this time that the general imperial legislation, administrative-political management and the education system were finally established on the Belarusian lands. At the same time, the authority of the Orthodox Church rose.
In foreign policy, Alexander III tried to avoid military conflicts, so he went down in history as the "Tsar-Peacemaker". The main thrust of the new political course was to ensure Russian interests by seeking support from "ourselves". Having approached France, with which Russia had no disputable interests, he concluded a peace treaty with her, thereby establishing an important balance between the European states. Another extremely important policy direction for Russia was the preservation of stability in Central Asia, which, not long before the reign of Alexander III, became part of the Russian Empire. The borders of the Russian Empire advanced to Afghanistan. In this vast space was laid railway, connecting the eastern coast of the Caspian Sea with the center of Russian Central Asian possessions - Samarkand and the river. Amu Darya. In general, Alexander III persistently strove for complete unification with indigenous Russia of all outskirts. To this end, he abolished the Caucasian governorship, abolished the privileges of the Baltic Germans and prohibited foreigners, including Poles, from acquiring land in Western Russia, including Belarus.
The emperor also worked hard to improve military affairs: the Russian army was significantly increased and armed with new weapons; several fortresses were built on the western border. The navy under him became one of the strongest in Europe.
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Parish schools were extremely important in the era of Alexander III. The emperor saw in the parish school one of the forms of cooperation between the State and the Church. Orthodox Church, in his opinion, from time immemorial was the educator and teacher of the people. For centuries, schools at churches were the first and only schools in Russia, including Belaya. Until the half of the 60s. In the 19th century, priests and other members of the clergy were almost exclusively mentors in rural schools. On June 13, 1884, the Emperor approved the "Rules for Parish Schools". Confirming them, the emperor wrote about them in his report: "I hope that the parish clergy will prove worthy of their high calling in this important matter." Parish schools began to open in many parts of Russia, often in the most remote and remote villages. They were often the only source of education for the people. When Emperor Alexander III came to the throne, there were only about 4,000 parish schools in the Russian Empire. In the year of his death, there were 31,000 of them and over a million boys and girls were enrolled in them.
Together with the number of schools, their position also strengthened. Initially, these schools were based on church funds, funds from church fraternities and trusteeships and individual benefactors. Later, the state treasury came to their aid. To manage all parish schools, a special school council was formed at the Holy Synod, which publishes textbooks and literature necessary for education. Taking care of the parish school, the emperor realized the importance of combining the foundations of education and upbringing in the folk school. This upbringing, which protects the people from the harmful influences of the West, the emperor saw in Orthodoxy. Therefore, Alexander III was especially attentive to the parish clergy. Before him, the parish clergy of only a few dioceses received support from the treasury. Under Alexander III, a vacation was started from the treasury of amounts to provide for the clergy. This order laid the foundation for improving the life of the Russian parish priest. When the clergy were grateful for this undertaking, he said: "I will be quite glad when I will be able to provide for all the rural clergy."
Emperor Alexander III treated the development of higher and secondary education in Russia with the same care. During his short reign, Tomsk University and a number of industrial schools were opened.
Perfection differed family life king. According to his diary, which he kept every day when he was his heir, one can study the everyday life of an Orthodox person no worse than according to the well-known book by Ivan Shmelev, The Summer of the Lord. True delight was given to Alexander III by church chants and sacred music, which he placed much higher than secular music.
Emperor Alexander reigned for thirteen years and seven months. Constant worries and intense studies broke his strong nature early: he began to feel more and more unwell. Before the death of Alexander III, he confessed and communed St. John of Kronstadt. Consciousness never left the king; Having said goodbye to his family, he said to his wife: “I feel the end. Be at ease. I am completely at peace "..." About half past 3 he received Holy Communion, "the new Emperor Nicholas II wrote in his diary on the evening of October 20, 1894," light convulsions soon began ... and the end came quickly! Fr. John stood at the head for more than an hour and held his head. It was the death of a saint! ” Alexander III died in his Livadia Palace (in the Crimea) before reaching his fiftieth birthday.
The personality of the emperor and his significance for the history of Russia are rightly expressed in the following verses:
In the hour of turmoil and struggle, ascending under the canopy of the throne,
He extended a powerful hand.
And the noisy sedition froze around.
Like a dying fire.
He understood the spirit of Russia and believed in her strength,
Loved her space and breadth,
He lived like the Russian Tsar, and he went down to the grave,
Like a true Russian hero.
